Introduction: Chapter Summary

agreement, and their ability to withhold mineral bearing lands from the Government's jurisdiction. These changes were protested by Maori who complained that this legislation clearly was not intended for their benefit, and that 'each succeeding Parliament endeavoured to make the laws worse than those passed by the previous Parliament' without any effort at consultation or respect for former commitments.' Their arguments based on Treaty rights were countered, however, by the Government's strengthened rhetoric of common law and the prerogative right and by appeals to the concept of equal treatment under that law.

Hauraki Maori were denied the opportunity to take advantage of later mining developments in Ohinemuri, or of drainage schemes on the plains, since the success of those ventures was seen as predicated on Crown ownership, while their remaining lands often remained encumbered by leases, and powers given under mining cession, long after gold had petered out. Left with very little resource base, Hauraki Maori were denied any chance of recovery, precluded from even a modest participation in the twentieth century economy, and as Oliver points out, 'relegated to the bottom of the socio-economic heap.'9

A description of the deterioration in the position of the Hauraki people may be left, at this point, to the words of one of their own kaumatua as he sought, unsuccessfully, in 1935, to gain redress for the way in which they had been led into 'bad bargains', and refused any real possibility of entering into full economic and political partnership with Pakeha:

There is a saying in the Good Book, which runs like this. 'Where the carcass is there will the ravens be gathered together'; or, in other words, 'Where the carcass lie, the ravens will fly.' There my good people, humble descendants of our beloved Marutuahu, lay the misfortune of our forefathers. That ugly carcass—gold, laid right there in our very midst. As far back as 1852, the ravens flew to the Coromandel ranges to dig for that carcass of gold. Why! What a curse! ... [T]he first carcass was only partly devoured when the ravens flew to the second carcass ... the rich Hauraki Plains. Rich! Yes! Gold to the eyes of the learned, and of the wise! Whereas to the eyes of the elders, it was just a mere swamp of flax, kahikatea, a place for eels. So the Hauraki Plains was also devoured and traversed by the wheels of industry, and progress. Now it is one of the richest dairy farming in the Dominion. Could we blame our folks for selling their lands. Why, no! They did what they saw was right. ... However, I will not remark upon the Acts governing our Maori lands, but suffice it would be to say, that on top of all these developments, I can safely say that all the Maori farmers operating in the Hauraki District can be counted on the tips of my fingers.10

8 Taipua in n NZPD, 1892, vol. 78, p. 429.

9 Oliver, The Social and Economic Situation of Hauraki Maori After Colonisation.

10 Copy of Minutes Taken for the Representatives of Ngati Maru Present at the Second Hearing of the Petition of Rihitoto Mataia, 6 March 1935. Appendix A in 'Hauraki Gold Fields Native Revenue, Treasury Statement relative to Petitions,' Hauraki Gold Fields Special File. MA 13/35 (c).

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