THE CROWN, THE TREATY, AND THE HAURAKI TRIBES, 1800-1885

land at Thames and Wharekawa which had been awarded to Ngakapa Whanaunga had been auctioned off cheaply to redeem a promissory note which had been witnessed by a Government-licensed interpreter, and signed only as a result of survey debt. Pollen, who had been appointed Trust Commissioner, acknowledged that Hauraki Maori were in debt because of their engagement with the court. In his opinion, they were being 'diddled' out of their lands by unscrupulous Europeans, and licensed interpreters who were the Jackalls' that flushed out such 'game.' Te Aroha provides a notorious example of how Maori were drawn into difficulties by the requirement to defend their title to land in a process over which they had little control. The area was initially awarded to ten persons from a 'friendly' section of Ngati Haua, a neighbouring iwi, and even those amongst the Hauraki people who wished to withhold their lands from the jurisdiction of the Native Land Court were forced into a series of hearings to defend their claim—a process which proved so expensive as to have 'swallowed up the value of the land.'

Requirements for survey, when paid for by advances on the land, could also end up compelling the owners to sell at least part of it—this being a strategy applied with some calculation by the Crown's purchase agents. The sale of Whitipirorua, Wharekawa East and 3, Omahu, and Otama East and West blocks was linked to a £2,000 survey debt, and at Mangakirikiri, the Crown was awarded a sizeable portion of the area left to non-sellers, to pay for their 'share' of laying down the boundaries. It will be seen, in Part Two, that survey debts and court costs continued to play an important role in bringing about the transfer of land, more especially in the Hauraki Plains, during the last quarter of the century. Hauraki Maori demonstrated ongoing concern about the impact of land court and survey; in petitions, negotiations with the Government, and in a variety of political actions over the next forty years, ranging from an attempt to hold lands beyond Hikutaia Stream under the mana of the King, participation in the Native Committees, Kotahitanga, and efforts to bring in a boycott.

The new native and public works policy

[pp. 188-194] The other structure underlying the Government's success in purchasing Hauraki lands in this period was that of public works. Under a series of Immigration and Public Works Acts in the 1870s, considerable monies were authorised for Maori land purchase in the North Island—the Auckland Province being the big winner in the divvy up of this amount. An important aspect of the policy was the active promotion of telegraph, road, and railway construction as well as projects to facilitate the development of the gold field and river navigation. This development was to be funded, ultimately, by the proceeds of on-sale. The needs of Hauraki were little considered, their role being confined to the provision of cheap land and short-term participation in the actual construction of roads and railways over their hapu lands.

There was a wide gap between the statements made by Government agents, and their practice and the ultimate outcome of their actions. Maori were told that they would be benefited by their inclusion in the general progress of the country, but they were excluded from the power structures which controlled the direction and pace of public works. Public

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