Volume 6: The Crown, The Treaty and the Hauraki Tribes, 1880-1980

Table of Contents
Ref Number:

View preview image >>

View fullsize image >>

Chapter 1: Government Policy and Maori Reaction, 1880-1890: page 29  (34 pages)
Chapter Overview
30to next page

 

Chapter I

GOVERNMENT POLICY
AND MAORI REACTION, 1880–1890

Maori Concerns and Government Reaction

Much of Hauraki concern in the 1870s and 1880s was apparently grounded in concrete issues: the Thames mudflats, the opening of Ohinemuri, the distribution of mining revenues, the construction of the road to Komata, the setting aside of reserves, lack of compensation for the confiscation of lands at Tauranga and Waikato, and disputed transactions and Native Land Court findings. But wider questions of the meaning of rangatiratanga, of Crown responsibilities, and the place of Maori in economic and social development were also involved here. The gap between Hauraki aspiration and Government response grew. Hauraki Maori sought better economic deals—the recognition of rights to a gold-bearing reserve at Tairua, a more efficient administration of gold field revenues, a better price for kauri than the 25/- set by the gold-mining agreements—while Pakeha officials complained that Maori should not be allowed to pick out the eyes of the land, or to monopolise the profits of the gold field. Maori rejection of the land court, obstruction of roads, and protest over the loss of the foreshore at Thames, of eel weirs on the Waihou, or of cultivations along the Kauaeranga River as a result of timber floating were interpreted by Europeans solely in terms of the Native impediment to settlement and progress. The intent of Hauraki leaders was, however, to regain control of the pace of economic and social transformation rather than to stop change altogether. Even Ngati Hako, strong adherents to kingitanga principles, now sought delay for the fuller consideration of their interests, hitherto largely ignored by the Government, rather than advocating no sale of land at all.

These protests reflected the growing fissure which separated the two races. Maori had almost nothing to do with the machinery of local administration, being unrepresented on highway and harbour boards, local bodies, or on the Provincial Council which exercised considerable influence over the development and management of the gold field, rivers, and harbours by means of the powers of the Superintendent. Hauraki Maori looked for greater power within the new institutions transforming and regulating their lives, often pointing out that legislation which materially affected their rights should have been discussed with them before being introduced. They asked for representation on the Provincial Council, for their own scrutiny of the gold-mining revenues, and for more Maori control over the machinery of land transaction.

21