THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION OF HAURAKI MAORI AFTER COLONISATION
in New Zealand at this time; many living in boroughs and town districts would in fact have been dependent upon small plots of land, raising crops and keeping a few animals. This was probably the case with Maori in the small centres of Paeroa and Thames. It is possible that some were engaged in urban pursuits, such as building, work in small factories and general labouring, but evidence of this has not been found. It seems safe to assume that until well into the zoth century Hauraki Maori lived for the most part in separate rural communities.
3.24 Land use in this period extends from simple subsistence, essentially raising crops and keeping animals for personal and family consumption, to market-related production, aimed either at a local urban market (such as Auckland) or an overseas market (for example, for wool, butter, cheese and meat). Hauraki Maori farming was overwhelmingly of a subsistence character; it is possible, however, that produce surplus to need was sold in local urban centres. Apart from that possibility, the later D9th and early loth century situation of Hauraki Maori contrasts sharply with their situation in the 185os, when they responded enthusiastically to the new Auckland urban market. Fifty years on they were small holders scratching a living and working men running a few animals and raising a few crops.
3.25 The reports of Puckey and Wilkinson, though far from detailed, give a picture from which some broad conclusions may be drawn. Early in the 187os, Puckey reported increased cropping, dairying, stock breeding, grass sowing and fencing, and the purchase of cows, horses, ploughs and harness CAJHR 1872 F3, 1873 GD. He is not specific as to locality, but this report suggests that in some places farming was market-related, perhaps in response to the increased goldfields population after the 1867 rush.
3.26 If so, this response was probably either short-lived or not widespread, or both. In the same 1873 report, he states that cultivations were being neglected due to reliance upon 'pledging their lands for sale to the Government'; three years later he comments, perhaps rather cynically, that there was little cultivation beyond that 'sufficient for a scanty subsistence' and that Maori were inclined to 'trust Providence, and the chance of duping some unlucky pakeha' (AJHR 1876 GD. An overwhelming concern with subsistence is suggested by an 1878 comment that good potato crops had placed Maori 'beyond ... absolute want' (AJHR 1878 GIA).
3.27 By 1881 Wilkinson had replaced Puckey; initially he was quite optimistic about the economic situation. Now that the easy money from land sales had dried up, Hauraki Maori were recovering their former industrious habits and growing more food on 'the small portions of land remaining in their possession' (AJHR 1881 G8). The improvement continued into the early 188os; Maori were 'fairly industrious' although the profits of gum digging were taking them away from their land; too many were relying upon gum and 'what revenue they can obtain from Pakeha sources', an unexplained remark which may point to mining and timber employment and to farm work—though, too, it may refer to land selling (AJHR 1882 GI, 1884 GD.
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